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     Volumele Civitas99Alumni sunt forma si fond, imagine si continut. In orice mod, insa, ele indica spre absolventii Civitas99. Volumele reunesc idei, ganduri, documentari, cercetari, adica toate acele modalitati in care absolventii gasesc de cuvinta sa se manifeste. Nimic nu este fix in forma Volumelor, pentru ca Forma lor este un contur plural, o fizionomie in care se poate regasi fiecare dintre participantii la Proiect. In acest fel, daca forma vorbeste de regula, in publicatii, despre stilul unei scoli, aici forma vorbeste despre diversitatea indivizilor.
     Unul din colegi m-a intrebat daca in felul acesta nu vom risca o confuzie din partea celor care ne vor citi. Ei bine, eu cred in forta noastra de a ne prezenta "prin fiecare". Aratand si mai departe, Volumele lasa fiecarui absolvent alegerea pentru subiectele sale.
     De fapt, pentru a intelege mai bine propunerea noastra facuta prin Volume e bine sa ne uitam catre Reteaua Civitas99, de unde ne-am regasit toti ca grup: Reteaua este un spatiu in care sunt primiti indivizii ce vor sa se contureze profesional si intelectual in zona stiintelor politice, indivizi care vor sa mearga pe un drum pe care au incredere ca vor reusi, sau ca pur si simplu incercand si experimentand vor reusi. Un astfel de grup se remarca cel mai bine prin valoarea invidizilor ce il compun.

de Cristian Andrei


Volumul V, noiembrie-decembrie 2005

Les principes de la bonne comparaison dans la vision de G. Sartori / Alexandra Alina Ionascu

« L’analyse comparative est devenue inconstante avec ses objectifs » . L’affirmation de Sartori annonce l’angle de son article : la politique comparée est en crise car les études de ce domaine sont construites d’une mauvaise façon. En se demandant sur les manières dans lesquelles se construisent « les bonnes » approches comparatives, Giovanni Sartori part de trois grandes questions qui portent sur l’objet du domaine de la politique comparée : Pourquoi comparer? Qu’est-ce que c’est comparable? Et Comment comparer? Cette triade épuiserait le noyau dur de l’analyse théorique du domaine de la politique comparée conçue en tant que discipline qui se différencie par rapport aux autres par sa méthode. Pour l’auteur, la politiqué comparée est dans une situation critique suite à l’absence des l’application des exigences logiques et linguistiques au niveau de la construction des recherches, ce qui empêche que la politique comparée atteint le rôle qu’elle seule s’est fixée – le contrôle des généralisations.
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A hardware called “Islam” and a software called “democracy” / Alexandru Balas

There are approximately 1.2 billion Muslims in the world. The 3 largest communities of Muslims in one single state live in democracies: 207 million Muslims in Indonesia, 126 million Muslims in India and 115 million Muslims in Bangladesh. Over all there are approximately 550 million Muslims living in democratic states. That means that about 45% of all the Muslims in the world live in democratic states. There are many well-paid Western scholars who consider from the distance of their American or European campus office chairs that the worshipers of Islam and the democratic principles have nothing in common and that they are incompatible. There are quite a few Muslim scholars, usually called Muslim jurists, who try to prove that democracy can coexist with Islamic percepts. Some of them advocate that what has been coined as the Western model of democracy- liberal democracy- can find characteristics in Islam and therefore there is a chance of having liberal democracy Western style in majoritarian Muslim countries. Other jurists try to prove that Islam already has a form of government, that encompasses the main characteristics of democracy and that is even better than the liberal democracy that the West wants to shuffle down the neck of the Muslim world.
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Cum raspund cetatenii la mesajele din mass-media? – insemnari pentru un articol / Cristian Andrei

Acest articol este prezentarea unei cercetari ce va fi dezvoltata intr-o lucrare mai ampla ce va fi prezentata in cadrul Congresului International de Marketing Politic (Nicosia 2006).
Articolul isi va propune sa aduca noi probe ale existentei unor influente ale mesajului emis prin canalele mass-media asupra electorilor in decizia de vot. Ipoteza initiala este ca la ambele margini ale fluxului comunicational (difuzarea, respectiv receptarea mesajului) tratam cu obiecte descriptibile statistic, fie ca este vorba de obiecte de mesaj, fie cu obiecte de reprezentare a opiniilor si atitudinilor populatiei. Asadar, nu ne va interesa in cazul mesajului emis in mass-media cine este in mod precis sursa generatoare de mesaj, ci doar faptul ca acesta ajunge in formatul specificat la populatie, nemijlocit, si ca il putem cunoaste prin masurare.

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Competitia interna in partide si sistemele electorale / Ionut Butoi

stim, intr-un sens relativ, de la Duverger, ca sistemele electorale au o influenta aproape legica asupra sistemului de partide. Un sistem electoral al majoritatii simple va determina un sistem biaprtid, unul al majoritatii in doua tururi de scrutin un sistem multipartit, cu tendinte bipolare, iar un sistem electoral de reprezentare proportionala va determina un sistem multipartit mai degraba „faramitat.” Au existat contributii, de la Duverger incoace, foarte ample si la fel de „esentiale” pentru raportul dintre sistemul electoral si sistemul de partide, sau numarul efectiv de partide, tipul de guvernare rezultat etc.
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The Polish National Church in the 1970s. An Institutional Approach / Mihaela Ghimici

The 1970s were a turning-point for the authoritarian-communist regime in Poland because of the emergence of a timid, still determined, opposition movement, which reached its peak in 1980-1981 under the umbrella of the Solidarnosc movement (Garton Ash, 1983). During the Martial Law of General Wojciech Jaruzelski and the negotiations for a regime-change at the round-table talks in 1989, the Polish national Catholic Church is known to have played a mediating role. In order to explain its position, one might search explanations understanding the developments of the previous years and look for some answers. This paper approaches an indefinite time span, the 1970s, as it relies on an interpretation which asks for more general considerations, rather than for detailed research.
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The Polish Catholic Church and Its Anti-Semitism in the Jedwabne Case / Mihaela Ghimici

Discussing the Jedwabne case is no easy task to comply with since it is a topic which inevitably and constantly poses questions of self-identity, both for the Jewish side as for the Polish side. The present article does not intend much. Its only focus is to start a possible path in understanding why the national Catholic Church in Poland, only now, after the publishing of a shocking book on Jedwabne, has some public reactions on this issue. Moreover, the intrigue is increased by the nature of these reactions. The explanation one may find for these decades of silence could be related to the anti-Semitic feeling of this religious institution. So that this explanation finds its logic, one might consider the Jedwabne matter to have a major relevance both related to the communist period as well as to the post-communist one. This essay’s major focus is on the communist time span because it relies on the belief that the Catholic Church in Poland has gained its today importance in the Polish public life especially due to its attitude and behavior under communism. This behavior emphasized the Catholic Church’s strength to oppose an oppressive system.
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